Pakistan’s reputation globally is of a country perennially in crisis mode and images of protests and chaos on the streets of its capital and other cities do not help. For the last two years, supporters of former prime minister Imran Khan believe that through these protests they can force the all-powerful military establishment to bring their hero back to power. They have not succeeded in that happening and instead have only hurt the average Pakistani citizen by damaging the country’s image and economy.
As columnist Arifa Noor, writes in Dawn, “we have two very loud sides to the story — one which feels it has won with people’s power, and the other which tells us only the house wins because it always has. That both are still locked in a never-ending struggle is accepted by neither side.”
Noor notes perceptively that “the young in PTI think they have discovered people’s power for the first time and can change history by taking to the streets. These young supporters (more than the PTI politicians) have not just kept the party alive and thriving but also appear to be the ones taking to the streets without being led. Their belief in themselves and the leader they have anointed doesn’t require the second-tier leadership as such. The second-tier leaders or politicians in this party are like the loyal best friend in Bollywood coming-of-age romances. Their only job is to provide a bit of emotional and logistical support to the star-crossed lovers. At best, they can gain popularity à la Arshad Warsi’s character Circuit to Sanjay Dutt’s Munna Bhai, but that’s about it. The real and lasting relationship is between Imran Khan and the people. The protests on Sunday made this evident when people put up a power show. At the other end are the PPP and PML-N — out of sync with the changing world. They struggle to connect with the people and modern communication strategies. As a result, they are now more dependent on the establishment than on the people.”
However, Noor argues, the “fault, though, might not lie with the political parties alone. The powers that be seem to have evolved as much as the country and the people have. There is little interest, it seems, in acquiring friends and allies. ‘Masters, not Friends’ is a worthy title for a book on the present times. The aim is to push ahead with the centralisation of power and decision-making without direct intervention; there is no longer even an attempt to camouflage the effort though it is proving far harder than anyone realises. It took a Herculean effort to manage the election, but it seems that it wasn’t enough. And now the numbers in parliament have to be managed to manage the judges. And the judges aren’t operating in a vacuum. Some of them prove intractable because the economy and demography mean the pushback from the people continues to be there. Each defiant judge encourages the people, and the people’s noise provides an impetus to the judges. And this is not just about the PTI but others also, such as the Baloch.”
Noor warns in conclusion, “one yearns not just for the political parties to do politics but also the good old days when other institutions would indulge in good old-fashioned politics rather than simply use the hammer for every nail.”
