Full Text of Malala’s Speech at UN

In the name of God, The Most Beneficent, The Most Merciful.

Honourable UN Secretary General Mr Ban Ki-moon,

Respected President General Assembly Vuk Jeremic

Honourable UN envoy for Global education Mr Gordon Brown,

Respected elders and my dear brothers and sisters;

Today, it is an honour for me to be speaking again after a long time. Being here with such honourable people is a great moment in my life.

Continue reading

Benazir Bhutto Remembered

by Farahnaz Ispahani

Farahnaz IspahaniToday is the fifth death anniversary of Pakistan’s iconic leader, Shaheed Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto. History remembers her as the first elected woman prime minister of a Muslim majority country. For millions of Pakistanis she was the embodiment of their hopes for a democratic, pluralist country and the desire to be free of the scourge of extremism and terrorism. She led and kept the PPP alive against many odds during and after the dark years of the obscurantist dictatorship of General Ziaul Haq.

Benazir Bhutto touched the lives of many Pakistanis by confronting military dictatorship in opposition and through her programmes to address the issues of the poorest and most marginalised during her two short stints in office. She was seen as a threat by those who saw her vision for Pakistan as a challenge to their militarised intrigues. For that reason alone she was hounded during her life and killed by the bigots who have hijacked our beloved country.

Bibi Shaheed firmly believed that women and those who followed other religions were equal Pakistanis in every way. She lived by her convictions and was killed for them. Her vision for Pakistan is summarised in her final book, fittingly titled Reconciliation. Bibi also left the PPP a Manifesto that she had personally worked on and read and reread countless times.

It is hard to forget the day of her assassination, the scenes at the hospital, that endless night carrying Bibi’s coffin in the C-130 with her young children and closest friends and aides on board. The long, terrible drive through the dark, sleeping villages of Sindh, driving behind the ambulance which carried our beloved Bibi home are seared in my memory. Buried next to her father at Garhi Khuda Baksh and close to her two brothers Mir Murtaza and Shahnawaz, Benazir Bhutto was like them, martyred by those who loved power more than Pakistan.

Many of us believed that Bibi Shaheed’s sacrifice of her life would bring change to Pakistan. The country was paralysed and even those who had been her fiercest political opponents during her lifetime grieved for her and her family. There was grief around the world. World leaders who had known Ms Bhutto personally either in her capacity as prime minister or as the leader of the opposition or from her exile years mourned. As did many citizens of countries near and far. In the years since her assassination, many of us have run into countless working people in many countries who express their grief over Bibi’s death the moment they find out that we are from Pakistan.

Today, on the fifth anniversary of her death, we have to ask ourselves whether we understood her ultimate sacrifice. Have the over-reaching powers of the establishment that consistently plotted against her democratic values been curbed? Has democracy and its roots been strengthened? Have the lives of Pakistan’s citizens improved materially and socially or at least been put on the path to improvement? Are Muslims of different denominations and our non-Muslim minorities safer today?

Several excellent laws have been passed by parliament. The visible improvement of Pakistan-India ties are to be celebrated. The Benazir Income Support Programme (BISP) — initially conceived by Mohtarma Bhutto herself along with economist Kaisar Bengali — is an extremely successful initiative with many new components. But much still has to be done and many of her ideas are still unfulfilled.

Pakistan remains in the grip of militarism and militancy. The superior courts have failed to expand access to justice, involving themselves in political issues instead. The democratic process continues to be undermined by invisible intrigues and many important issues end up being neglected. The establishment continues to think of ways around the Constitution instead of allowing the country to be run according to its principles. Instead of mourning what we have lost, we must use this occasion for self-reflection. We must remember her indefatigable energy, her love for her homeland, her endless patience and her step-by-step, day-by-day work together to reclaim Pakistan.

We owe Shaheed Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto no less.

The writer was MNA from 2008-2012 and is media adviser to President Asif Ali Zardari. Published in The Express Tribune, December 27th, 2012.

Transcript of President Zardari’s Speech before UN General Assembly

H.E.President Asif Ali Zardari
President of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan
General Debate 67th Session
United Nations General Assembly
September 25, 2012


Bismilla hirrahmaan irrahim —

Assalam-o-Alaikum — Peace be upon you.

Before I take up my speech, I want to express the strongest condemnation for the acts of incitement of hate against the faith of billions of Muslims of the world and our beloved prophet, Mohammad (Peace Be Upon Him).

Although we can never condone violence, the International community must not become silent observers and should criminalize such acts that destroy the peace of the world and endanger world security by misusing freedom of expression.

Pakistan moves the United Nations to immediately address this alarming concern and bridge the widening rift to enable the comity of nations to be one again.

Mr. President,

I want to congratulate you on your election to this important post.

I want to convey our appreciation of the previous President, His Excellency Nassir Abdulaziz Al Nasser, from our brotherly state of Qatar, who skillfully preceded you.

I would like to further express our appreciation for the laudable work of the honorable Secretary General Ban Ki Moon. We greatly appreciate his leadership in guiding the work of this organization.

It is a special privilege to be with you today, representing the brave and courageous people of Pakistan.

Globally, we face enormous challenges.

But with collective efforts and commitment we can provide a better future to our people.

We must work to end poverty.

We must work to protect the planet, and mitigate climate change.

We must ensure equal rights to all peoples, and protect the weak & vulnerable.

We must pursue justice and fairness for all people.

We must pursue the peaceful settlement of international disputes.

We must save our current and future generations from the horrors of war.

I think of my own three children and the generations of children yet unborn.

They, and all the children of the world, deserve safety, stability, and security.

These goals have guided me throughout my four years in office as President of Pakistan.

These are the goals and principles about which I want to talk to you today.

Mr. President,

Pakistan’s engagement with the United Nations lies at the heart of these goals.

We are proud of going above and beyond the call of duty in fulfilling our international responsibilities.

Pakistan has consistently been among the top UN peacekeeping troop contributors for many years.

Today, over 10,000 Pakistani troops proudly wear the UN Blue Helmets in the service of our brothers and sisters around the world.

Mr. President,

Our election to the Security Council reflects our commitment to world peace.

It is also a vote of confidence by the international community for Pakistan.

The UN represents our common aspirations for peace and development.

However, it needs reform.

The UN system must become more democratic and more accountable.

Reform should be based on consensus and democratic principles.

Mr. President,

In the last several years, Pakistan has repeatedly suffered from natural calamities.

The people of Pakistan appreciate the support of the United Nations and the international community.

Mr. President,

Being a democratic country, we believe that legitimate aspirations of any people should be accommodated peacefully.

And in a manner consistent with sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity.

We support the rights of the Palestinian people and an independent Palestinian State.

We also favor the admission of Palestine as a full member of the United Nations.

Mr. President,

There are a lot of questions that are asked of Pakistan these days.

I am not here to answer questions about Pakistan.

The people of Pakistan have already answered them.

The politicians of Pakistan have answered them.

The soldiers of Pakistan have answered them.

We have lost over seven thousand Pakistani soldiers and policemen, and over 37,000 civilians.

We have lost our Minister for Minority Affairs, Shahbaz Bhatti and my friend Salmaan Taseer, the Governor of our most populous province of Punjab, to the mindset of extremism.

And I need not remind my friends here today, that I bear a personal scar.

On December 27, 2007 knowing her life was under threat from the mindset she had warned the world against, Pakistan’s first elected woman leader and my wife Shaheed Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto was martyred through the bullets and bombs of terrorists.

Terrorism and extremism have destroyed human lives, torn social fabric, and devastated the economy.

Our economy, our lives, our ability to live in the shadow of our Sufi saints and our freedom-loving forefathers have been challenged.

We have responded.

Our soldiers have responded.

So I am not here to answer questions about Pakistan.

I am here to ask some questions on behalf of my people.

On behalf of the two year old baby who was killed in the bombing at Lahore’s Moon Market on December 7, 2009.

On behalf of Pervaiz Masih, a Christian Pakistani, who was killed with six others, trying to protect Muslim Pakistanis during a bomb attack on the Islamic University in Islamabad on October 20, 2009.

On behalf of Mr. GHA-YOOR, the Commandant of the Frontier Constabulary police force in Peshawar, who was martyred by militants on August 4, 2010.

On behalf of the traders and businessmen in Peshawar, Quetta, Lahore and Karachi, of the dozens of marketplaces that have been ravaged by multiple bombings. Over and over and over again.

And perhaps most of all, on behalf of my three children, whose mother Shaheed Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto was also martyred by terrorists.

Mr. President,

For more than thirty years, our doors have been open to my Afghan brothers and sisters.

For many years, we were left to fend for ourselves and our Afghan guests.

Mr. President,

I remember the red carpet that was rolled out for all the dictators in our country – dictators who promised the international community the moon – while Pakistan was kept in the dark.

These dictators and their regimes are responsible for suffocating and throttling Pakistan, Pakistan’s institutions, and Pakistani democracy.

I remember the judicial execution of Pakistan’s first elected leader, Shaheed Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto.

I remember the jailing of Pakistan’s elected leaders.

I remember the twelve years I, myself spent in prison.

And I remember the billions provided by the international community to support those dictatorships.

My country’s social fabric, its very character has been altered.

Our condition today is a product of dictatorships.

Mr. President,

No country and no people have suffered more in the epic struggle against terrorism, than Pakistan.

Drone strikes and civilian casualties on our territory add to the complexity of our battle for hearts and minds through this epic struggle.

To those who say we have not done enough, I say in all humility:

Please do not insult the memory of our dead, and the pain of our living.

Do not ask of my people, what no one has ever asked of any other peoples.

Do not demonize the innocent women, and children of Pakistan.

And please, stop this refrain to do more.

The simplest question of all is:

How much more suffering can Pakistan endure?

Mr. President,

I am sure the international community does not want any suffering anywhere, least of all in Pakistan.

We believe in fact, that the international community is a partner.

This is because it is the common interest of all nations to work together.

In Pakistan, I have helped bring about a major strategic shift in how we view working together.

Within Pakistan, our democracy has brought about major changes.

InshaAllah, this will be the first civilian government in Pakistan’s sixty-six year history to complete its full, five year term.

In this time, Parliament has passed unprecedented reforms.

We have restored the consensus 1973 Constitution.

The National Assembly has enacted wide ranging social reforms.

We have established a National Commission on Women and a National Commission on Human Rights.

We have established for the very first time a truly Independent Election Commission, to ensure free, fair and transparent elections.

Our media is free, uncensored and thriving.

Our civil society is flourishing under the protection of democracy.

We have created the first social safety net through the women of Pakistan for the weak and less privileged. Millions of families have benefitted.

We have aided the poor and at the same time empowered the women of our households.

This safety net is called the Benazir Income Support Program.

These are the gifts of democracy.

This is the dream of Shaheed Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto.

Mr. President,

The growing regional pivot in Pakistan’s foreign policy is a reflection of our democratic policy-making.

In engaging with our region, we are changing the future.

In China our strategic partnership is growing from strength to strength.

In Afghanistan, we have begun to engage and deepen our friendship with the entire range of the Afghan political spectrum.

We believe that a sovereign, stable and secure Afghanistan is good for the Afghan people.

And what is good for the Afghan people is good for Pakistan.

While our hearts and homes remain open to our Afghan brothers, it is imperative that the international community support the three million Afghan refugees in Pakistan in their quest to return home with dignity.

A brighter Afghan future will only be possible when the search for peace is Afghan-owned, Afghan-driven and Afghan-led.

We respect and support the efforts of the Government of Afghanistan for reconciliation and peace.

Pakistan will support in every way possible, any process that reflects Afghan national consensus.

Similarly, we approach our relations with India on mutual trust.

The contacts between our leadership are expanding.

I was encouraged by my discussions with the Prime Minister of India last month in Tehran, who I met for the fifth time in four years.

Mr. President,

Our principled position on territorial disputes remains a bedrock of our foreign policy.

We will continue to support the right of the people of Jammu & Kashmir to peacefully choose their destiny in accordance with the UN Security Council’s long-standing resolutions on this matter.

Kashmir remains a symbol of the failures, rather than strengths of the UN system.

We feel that resolution of these issues can only be arrived in an environment of cooperation.

By normalizing trade relations we want to create a regional South Asian narrative.

This narrative will provide an environment that will mutually benefit the countries of our region.

Mr. President,

Along this road, there are pitfalls.

One of them is the tendency to respond to failure through blame.

Pakistan does not blame others for the challenges it faces.

We believe we should look for win-win solutions.

Regional cooperation and connectivity will bring us closer and bind us together.

It will make us stakeholders in each other’s futures.

Our hosting of a quadrilateral summit next month and our signing of the Afghan Pakistan Transit Trade Agreement

are proof of this commitment to regional connectivity.

In Pakistan, the lesson we learned, from the last thirty years, is that history cannot be changed.

But the future can — a future that is brighter, more prosperous and more secure,

not only for Pakistanis, but for all people of the region, and indeed the world.
Mr. President:

I must thank the member states of the European Union for recognizing the value of trade to Pakistan.

We seek trade, rather than aid.

By granting trade concession to Pakistan, the EU has sent a positive message.

The trade concessions will help us revive the economy and fight terrorism.

Mr. President,

As we embark on this ambitious transformative experience, we are aware that there are threats and pitfalls.

One of them is the spread and illegal trade of heroin.

Despite the presence of international forces in Afghanistan, the size of the heroin trade has increased by 3000% in the last decade.

The heroin industry is eroding the social fabric of our societies.

Terrorist activities within our region and indeed all over the world are funded and fueled by the unrestricted production and sale of illegal drugs.

Pakistan has pursued an ambitious agenda to control this menace.

We are coordinating with our neighbors and will hold a conference later this year to develop a unified approach to stamping out this drug trade.

I call upon this august body, and especially those nations represented here who are actively engaged in the region.

In this great hall of international collective action, let us begin this process —

here, today, together.

Mr. President, Excellencies, delegates, fellow citizens of the world:

I have committed my Presidency and my nation’s future to a paradigm shift.

A permanent democratic future for Pakistan.

It has not been easy.

But nothing worth fighting for is easy.

We long ago stopped thinking of doing what is easy.

Instead, we have committed ourselves to doing what is right.

In that regard, I recall the powerful words of my beloved martyred wife and my leader Shaheed Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto when she appeared before this august body sixteen years ago.

Her words ring out and can guide us into a new future.

She said in 1996:

“I dream of a third millennium in which the gap between rich and poor evaporates;

in which illiteracy, hunger, malnutrition and disease are at last conquered;

I dream of a third millennium in which every child is planned, wanted, nurtured and supported;

and in which the birth of a girl is welcomed with the same joy as that of a boy.

I dream of a millennium of tolerance and pluralism,
in which people respect other people, nations respect other nations,
and religions respect other religions.

That is the third millennium I see for my country and all of yours.”

We have made some progress towards achieving these goals.

But so much remains to be done.

In her memory and in the name of God Almighty, Pakistan commits to that path again today.

Thank you ladies and gentlemen, and may peace be upon you, and your countries, and the people of your countries.

Pakistan Zindabad.

Document From Imran Khan’s Benami Transaction

On Saturday, 26th May, investigative journalist Umar Cheema reported that “clean” Imran Khan purchased his Bani Gala estate in a ‘benami transaction’ with his ex-wife Jemima Goldsmith Khan, further contradicting the PTI Chairman’s repeated claims that he bought the property with borrowed money which he repaid after selling a London flat. After repeated accusations against the reporter, Umar Cheema released the following document from the benami transaction carried out by Imran Khan and it is published below. Please click the image for the full size document.

Imran Khan Benami Document

Memo saga heads in different direction

Syed Yahya HussainyAlthough the anti-PPP publicists have renewed their claims about Mansoor Ijaz’s version of events about the memo saga looking very believable, the ruling party remains confident that this will be just another example of over-enthusiastic PPP haters celebrating the government’s difficulties while using the shoulder of the judiciary.

“Already, what started out as an issue expected to bring down the Zardari government has been reduced to a ‘get Husain Haqqani’ campaign,” said one observer.

Instead of the facts about writing of the memo, the conduct of Pakistan’s former ambassador to the US, Husain Haqqani, and the memo commission’s insistence that he return to Pakistan instead of being allowed to record his statement by videoconference have now become the main topics of discussion.

Mansoor Ijaz has so far not handed over his BlackBerry handset for forensic examination, Haqqani’s illness has given him an additional reason besides personal security concerns to say he cannot return to Pakistan right now. And the issue of equal treatment for the two witnesses before the commission has yet to be settled by the Supreme Court.

Even the claim by anti-PPP hardliners that Haqqani’s missing BlackBerry handsets could pose a national security threat indirectly supports Haqqani’s position that his handsets could not be handed over even if found.

PPP supporters say that even after the subdued appearance of former ISI chief Lt General (r) Ahmed Shuja Pasha before the memo commission and the critical remarks by commission members about Haqqani, there is just not enough evidence to substantiate the story that is believed by few people other than those who have persisted with supporting Mansoor Ijaz’s stupendous claims.

The memo saga started unfolding in October last year, with some forces making it a high stakes game for the government. It slowed down in the middle and now towards its conclusion seems set to witness another twist with stakes rising for the other side and possibly Haqqani, government supporters say.

Haqqani has now thrown the ball in the court of the highest esteem, asking it to provide him equal treatment when it comes to deposing before the memo commission and facilitate him to do so through a video link from London or Washington. Sources say this move has the backing of the top PPP leadership, which wants to create a new issue that can be used in its long-running battle with the judiciary.

While on the face of it, the memo commission is asking questions about Haqqani’s alleged non-compliance with its orders, it has to be prepared for questions that might be asked about its impartiality, especially at the international level. The memo commission was tasked by the Supreme Court to collect evidence and it gave the facility of recording statement by video link to Mansoor Ijaz on grounds that his life would be threatened by travelling to Pakistan.

Now Haqqani has taken the same position, asking the Supreme Court to consider threats to his life equally seriously to the threats claimed by Mansoor Ijaz, a US national.

The Supreme Court will most likely hear Haqqani’s petition when his lawyer Asma Jahangir returns on April 16 from her travels abroad. Until then, the memo commission will most likely continue to push Haqqani’s lawyers to ask him to appear before the commission and demand other actions from Haqqani. The former ambassador, however, will seek protection of the age-old principle that the onus of proving guilt lies with the accusers and if guilt has not been proved and no legal criminal proceedings initiated against Haqqani, the memo commission’s findings have little significance except to generate media headlines.

In any case, legal experts point out that the commission is a fact-finding probe and not a court conducting a trial. Its job is to find out what may have happened and not to ascribe guilt or innocence as no FIR has been registered, no charges have been filed and it is not even clear if any law has been violated by anyone. After PPP Chairman Bilawal Bhutto Zardari’s emotional speech on his grandfather’s death anniversary reminding everyone that Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was sentenced to death as a result of a wrong decision by the judiciary, the PPP is willing to engage in a legal-political battle with the judges of the superior courts.

It is in that background that Haqqani had written a letter to the chief justice, which has been kept confidential, though the court said that such letters should not be directly written to the court.

At the beginning of the memo case, a letter by a Pakistani-Canadian had been turned into a petition by the court. The ruling party plans on highlighting every incident where the judiciary’s attitude towards the PPP is different from that towards other parties, sources say.

Haqqani’s lawyers assert that the media trial against him even without any charges being filed or proof being put on record has created an extremely hostile environment for him in Pakistan. Hostility towards the former ambassador can be found among extremist groups as well as in the ranks of the state machinery, which would be expected to protect him. The then ISI DG, they say, rushed to judgement based on only one meeting with Mansoor Ijaz showing how vulnerable Haqqani might be upon immediate return to Pakistan.

Even during his statement, General Pasha did not go beyond reiterating what he had already said in his affidavit before the Supreme Court in January.

He offered no evidence independent of Mansoor Ijaz’s claims, which he says he believed.

He agreed with Haqqani’s lawyer during cross-examination that Mansoor Ijaz was anti-Pakistan and anti-ISI. While some may find comfort in Pasha appearing before the commission as a sign of the case building up against Haqqani, his statement added little to the claims of Mansoor Ijaz in terms of proving anything.

According to Haqqani’s lawyers, the memo commission has a huge issue at hand, which cannot be dealt with by making remarks about Haqqani’s refusal to appear in person or raising questions about his health. Contrary to the perceptions built up over the months, Mansoor Ijaz’s statement that was seen as the key to the whole issue had proved very weak and uncorroborated in terms of the law of evidence.

Mansoor Ijaz admitted that he had no email or BBM message from Haqqani regarding the memo and his entire claim rests on linking BBM messages to telephone conversations. In his own written statement, Haqqani has given a totally different account of the same phone calls, which he says were just a small part of hundreds of phone calls he made in May 2011.

General Pasha said in his cross-examination that while Mansoor Ijaz showed him BBM screen shots, he refused to hand over to him any evidence.

Several of Mansoor Ijaz’s statements before the commission have been challenged by people not directly connected to the memo affair, raising questions about whether memogate’s star witness has a habit of exaggerating and manipulating communication.

Former US president Bush’s adviser, David Frum, wrote an article in Newsweek and The Daily Beast saying Mansoor Ijaz had “lied” before the commission about sending him a legal notice over his criticism against the American businessman of Pakistani origin.

Haqqani’s lawyers say that the commission also has to decide if it can rely on the testimony of a witness who made some laughable claims during the proceedings. Many of such claims even the commission had to reject as unverified and unreliable. Take for example the transcripts of communication between US helicopters and Pakistani ATC on May 2, 2011, as well as claimed communication between two high offices in Pakistan. General Pasha effectively supported Haqqani’s written statement when he said that there was no likelihood of a coup in May 2011, contrary to the claims of Mansoor Ijaz.

It is also now becoming apparent that the commission might not go ahead with the idea of expensive forensics examination of Mansoor Ijaz’s BlackBerry handset. The head of the commission commented at one hearing that forensics examination is not required at this stage. Sources say most experts in London approached by the commission’s secretary expressed inability to verify the data as suggested by Mansoor Ijaz and widely believed by his supporters.

This is the reason that the commission is once again relying on putting pressure on Haqqani to voluntarily write to Research in Motion (RIM) to secure verification of Mansoor Ijaz’s data.

A valid question that arises from this demand is how anyone can order someone to do something that is meant to be voluntary and would RIM treat as voluntary a letter that is written under orders.

The memo commission had started its proceedings by targeting BlackBerry manufacturers, RIM, to provide it with data.

Mansoor Ijaz and his lawyer had claimed that RIM could provide all the records but it was discovered later that RIM does not maintain records of communications beyond three months. It seems on the issue of forensics too, the presumptions of those who wanted to hang Haqqani, and even President Asif Zardari, on the basis of examination of BlackBerry handsets are discovering that it might not be easy to prove Mansoor Ijaz’s claims through forensics either.

Meanwhile, Haqqani has submitted complete and unedited detailed itemised telephone bills for both his BlackBerry handsets for the entire year of 2011.

Lawyers say, these records prove his assertion that Mansoor Ijaz was a “peripheral” acquaintance and not a friend. For example, in May 2011, Haqqani’s phone bills show 875 incoming and outgoing phone calls on his two telephone numbers, only four of which are to or from Mansoor Ijaz’s number.

Similarly, there are 1,321 text and data items on the bills for May 2011, when Ijaz says he sent the disputed memo, and his number represents a miniscule part of these exchanges.

From the PPP’s point of view, Haqqani is just the right person to create negative perceptions about the judiciary at the international level. The former ambassador is widely supported in the US and western countries even though he has been criticised at home. The Supreme Court’s decision to bar him from travelling abroad was criticised by Haqqani’s international supporters, including the International Commission of Jurists.

Even if Haqqani fails to get the Supreme Court to support his request for recording statement by video link, the PPP leadership will be able to exploit this in creating negative perceptions about the judiciary internationally, sources claim.

On the face of it, Haqqani has simply sought legal redress by approaching the Supreme Court. The opportunity for him to seek the intervention of the Supreme Court was provided by the memo commission. In its proceedings on March 18, when Haqqani was present in London and had requested that his statement be recorded there and then, the commission had taken a position that it was the Supreme Court that had bound Haqqani to be present in Islamabad, and that the commission did not have the competence to undo that.

Thus the commission opened the gate for seeking further interpretation of the Supreme Court order of January 30, 2012. Haqqani might gain most by closing the chapter of memogate even if it entails coming to Pakistan and recording his statement. But the PPP leadership is relishing the opportunity of showing how its opponents rushed to judgement and involved the judiciary in the matter. The memo commission’s adverse remarks about Haqqani, his supporters say, will only benefit him in proving that the commission was predisposed negatively towards him.

Ironically, it is now the PPP leaders who want memogate to drag on so that there are more and more negative international comments about the judiciary and alleged violations of Haqqani’s rights are made an international issue to embarrass the party’s opponents.

This piece was published in Daily Times on 11 April 2012.